Bangabandhu

Bangabandhu Bangladesh

http://bangabandhuporisadv.blogspot.com

By Muntasir Mamun

The inhabitants of Bangladesh had dreamt of a free land for long. Many individuals had sought to materialise this dream in the past. Many had spoken about that land during the first forty years of the last century. That plan was once again drawn during the partition of India. Moulana Bhashani had spoken about an independent territory for the Bangalis during the decade of 1960s. But none could give complete shape to that dream. That dream was finally realized on 16 December 1971 under the leadership of a pure Bangali – Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. It was he who could erect for the Bangalis the geographic boundaries of a free state. Bangabandhu, Father of the Nation, or Sheikh Mujibur Rahman – in whatever name we may call him – his iconic figure looms large whenever we talk about Bangladesh. That is why, his name has become ingrained in our history and because of that we repeatedly reminisce about him. There are numerous claimants to the Bangladesh dream. Many might have dreamt it; many had talked about Bangladesh through signs and gestures; but Sheikh Mujib had completed the task like an architect. Like many others, he also thought of Bangladesh, but preparations for the purpose continued up to 1971. Moulana Bhashani had also spoken about Bangladesh in open forums. But his role was negligible in this field. However, all those dreams and speeches had prepared the people. Journalist Abdul Matin had written in his autobiography: “He met Mujib one day at noon during the military rule of Ayub Khan. Sheikh Saheb said that he did not care Ayub Khan. He knew the minds of the people. After remaining silent for a few moments, he talked about using the Agartala case in the anti-Ayub movement”. It can be said in this context that the Agartala conspiracy case might not have been fully cooked up. That dark gentleman had emerged from the very midst of our rural paddy culture. His heart was vast like nature itself, and he wanted to cover the Bangalis with that – the whole of Bangladesh. The Bangalis had repaid that gesture as long as he lived. One day on 27 March 1971, a Major suddenly told the Bangalis to snatch freedom and they jumped for that – the Bangalis are not made of such stuff. 

It took a long time to awaken them and it was Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman who succeeded in doing that. Consequently, whether one likes it or not, can there be any option other than calling him the ‘architect of our freedom’? And it was not that Sheikh Mujib became ‘Bangabandhu’ overnight in 1970 and ‘Father of the Nation’ all of a sudden in 1972. It took him three decades to become Bangabandhu. If we consider the period between 1940 and 1974, we shall see that Sheikh Mujib became Bangabandhu and Father of the Nation for several reasons. These were: the vastness of his heart, his humanism and tolerance, his appearance, dresses and words; all of these had demonstrated his intention to maintain everlasting bonds with a huge population. Some information and proofs could be obtained about the long-drawn conspiracies of the villains of 1975 for seizing power. Khandakar Mostaque is an example. Evidence of the conspiratorial mentality of this principal villain in our history could be observed even before the liberation war. The frontline leaders of Awami League had visited Bangabandhu at his Dhanmondi residence on 25 March 1971 and asked him to remain cautious. Only Khandakar Mostaque was not seen there. After independence, he lobbied with Dr. Wazed Miah to become Foreign Minister with seniority.

Later, in 1974, Dr. Wazed Mia saw after going to Khandakar Mostaque’s residence that one Major Rashid was going out of the house after secret talks with him.

There has been much debate about the message of Sheikh Mujib broadcast by Mr. Hannan from Chittagong on 26 March 1971. Dr. Wazed Miah had written: “Bangabandhu’s message was in a taped form. After transmitting that message from Dhaka’s Baldah garden, that brave member

of EPR had sought fresh orders by contacting Bangabandhu’s residence over telephone. Bangabandhu then directed the EPR member via Mr. Golam Morshed to leave that place instantly after throwing the transmitter into the pond of Baldah garden.” I shall not go into the debate on whether this information was correct or not. I understand as an ordinary student of history that the country called Bangladesh was founded at the very start of March 1971 and that had happened at the directive of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Professor Borhanuddin Khan Jahangir highlighted this in a very clear and logical manner in his essay titled ‘Accountability of the State’. He wrote: “The 35 directives issued by Sheikh Mujib had laid the ground for all-out noncooperation with the Pakistani state through resistance and rejection of its authority and complete cooperation of the Bangali masses with their administration through establishment of a pro-people authority. ------ The Bangali people had nurtured the thought of becoming the inhabitants of a separate, different and independent state in their bosom, head and heart even before the commencement of the war.” From the 1960s, Bangabandhu had two objectives. One of those was unambiguous, while another was unclear or something akin to a dream. The clear objective was to build up the Awami League, spread the organization throughout the country and establish a civil society by going to power on Awami League platform. There were infightings within the Awami League, which was natural for a big party. But Sheikh Mujib’s organizational capacity was unique. He had the two qualities of tolerance and flexibility, which were needed for making the party bigger. I have even seen old people in remote rural areas, whose only possession was a tea-stall, who never got anything from the party, but had never left it after coming to the fold of Awami League at the behest of Sheikh Mujib. There are many more self sacrificing Awami Leaguers in the nooks and corners of Bangladesh, who did not leave the party despite becoming destitute. The leaders, however, do not keep track of them. Besides, Sheikh Mujib had such individuals as his companions, without whose help he might not have achieved his cherished goal. As a result, the Awami League became bigger, expanded after the 6- point movement and simultaneously Sheikh Mujib became the undisputed leader of the masses. He also had tremendous self-confidence and courage. The blossoming of the party had also raised his confidence in himself as well as the people. That was why he could transform the 6-points into a 1-point. And this was his unclear vision or dream. That he was unwavering on the question of this objective and had the necessary courage and confidence for materializing this dream were highlighted during the Agartala conspiracy trial. Fayez Ahmed had written about an incident during this trial. He was sitting beside the main accused Sheikh Mujib. They were not allowed to talk inside the court. Sheikh Mujib tried to draw the attention of Fayez Ahmed a number of

times in order to say something. Fayez Ahmed said, “Mujib Bhai, conversations are not allowed. I can’t turn my head. They will throw me out.” A loud reply came forthwith, “Fayez, one has to talk to Sheikh Mujib if he wants to stay in Bangladesh.” - -------He did not know then that this symbolic utterance by Sheikh Mujib was not meant for any individual person; it was a message for the entire people of a country, which could ignite fire.

Sheikh Mujib returned to the Bangladesh of his dream in 1972. Now his role was not that of a wager of movements. Rather, he played his part in materialising the dream of a Golden Bangla. He worked tirelessly with that objective in mind until 15 August 1975. Reconstruction of the country was in full swing and the Constitution was already framed by that time. The biggest achievement of Bangabandhu and the then Awami League government was to endow the country with a Constitution. I do not know whether there is any other example of a country where it was possible to provide a Constitution so swiftly in the aftermath of such a bloody war. The four core principles of the state were proclaimed through this Constitution, which could have been termed as radical in the context of the then realities. These were: Democracy, Socialism, Secularism and

Nationalism. These principles in fact contained those very ideals for which the liberation war was fought. This was especially true of secularism. That is why the military generals had at the very outset struck at these core principles, especially secularism. Besides, the Constitution described the social, economic and political rights of citizens and the philosophy of the state. In other words, it indicated that the liberation war was waged for establishing a civil society in place of a military-dominated one.

The 1972 Constitution had incorporated the necessary institutions for a civil society; it firmly strove to lay the foundation for a vibrant civil society in Bangladesh. In this context, Bangabandhu had said in one of his speeches: “I do not know whether democracy was initiated immediately after a bloody revolution in any country of the world. ----- Elections have been organised. The right of vote has been expanded in scope by lowering the voting age from 21 to 18. Bangladesh’s own aeroplanes are now flying in the skies of different countries; a fleet of commercial ships has also been launched. The BDR is now guarding the borders. The ground forces are ready to repel any attack on the motherland. Our own navy and air-force are now operational. The police force and thanas have been rebuilt, 70 percent of which were destroyed by the Pakistanis. A ‘National Rakkhi Bahini’ has been raised.

You are now the owners of 60 percent of mills and factories. Taxes for up to 25 bighas of land have been exempted. We do not believe in the policy of vengeance and revenge. Therefore, general amnesty has been declared for those who were accused and convicted under the Collaborators’ Act for opposing the liberation war.” But the people were not inclined to appreciate the framing of Constitution, its principles, and the successes of Sheikh Mujib due to rising price of essentials and the law and order situation. Not only was Bangabandhu killed along with his family, the husband of his sister Abdur Rab Serniabat and his nephew (sister’s son) Sheikh Moni were also killed along with their family members. It was quite apparent that intense hatred had worked behind this; otherwise this kind of brutality could not have been carried out in cold blood. The assumption that if any of the family members survived, then he would come forward to provide leadership was also at work. That this assumption was not unfounded has

been proved subsequently. Bangabandhu’s two daughters Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana

survived as they were staying abroad. Later, Sheikh Hasina became the leader of the Awami League and is now once again waging a struggle to reinforce the civil society. It is clear from the manner in which the Bangabandhu family was assassinated that there were local and international conspiracies and a long time was spent for planning it. The conspirators took risks and that risktaking paid off. A faction of the Awami League led by Khandakar Mostaque was involved in it. It can be cited as evidence that it was during Mostaque’s rule that the four Awami League and national leaders Tajuddin Ahmed, Syed Nazrul Islam, Mansur Ali and Kamruzzaman were killed inside the central jail on 3 November 1975. Saudi Arabia and China recognized Bangladesh immediately after Khandakar Mostaque came to power. Relationships with Pakistan and the USA also improved. Consequently, the theory that foreign powers had a hand in the killings cannot be dismissed outright. Almost three decades after Sheikh Mujib’s killing, the people can once again feel what Sheikh Mujib really was and why he was awarded the title ‘Bangabandhu’. People can realize today that he wanted to raise the stature of the Bangalis, and one way of doing that was to give back the honour to the unarmed people. Whichever parties and persons might have ruled Bangladesh after his murder, his name could not be erased from the minds of the people. That effort still continues. That is because it is evident

today that we got that honour only once, that path was opened for us only once in 1971, when Bangladesh succeeded in ousting all kinds of armed thugs under the leadership of an unarmed Bangali called Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

Despite the many flaws and heaps of criticisms levelled against Sheikh Mujib, we should note, just as an opponent of Sheikh Mujib and Awami League – Moudud Ahmed – had written (translator’s translation from Bengali): “The appearance of Sheikh Mujib was the biggest event in the national history of Bangladesh. His burial did not take place through his death. More pragmatic, efficient, capable and dynamic political personalities than Sheikh Mujib might have emerged or may emerge, but it will be very difficult to find someone who has contributed more to the independence movement of Bangladesh and the shaping of its national identity.” He had

endeavoured to uphold the interests of the Bangalis throughout his life and had never compromised until his objectives were attained. That is why the Bangalis gave him the title ‘Bangabandhu’ and ‘Father of the Nation’ out of sheer love and emotion. His lifestyle was like that of an ordinary Bangali of eternal Bengal; that is why he could so intensely connect with the ordinary people and their communities. He possessed all the attributes of an ordinary Bangali.

But his love for his people and country was extraordinary, almost blind. He used to say: “My strength is that, I love human beings. My weakness is that, I love them too much.” The position of Bangabandhu vis-à-vis other doers in the civil society of Bangladesh will become clear if the events of 1971 and 1971-75 are analysed. It is impossible to write the history of pre and post-independence Bangladesh without mentioning him. The names of two great Bangalis will remain forever shining in the minds of the Bangalis. One is Rabindranath Thakur and the other is Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. One had shaped the Bengali language and wrote the national anthem of Bangladesh. The other materialised the age-old dream of the Bangalis by helping create an independent territory called Bangladesh for an entire nation. I feel proud for this, and my posterity will also be so. The names ‘Bangali’ and ‘Bangladesh’ will continue to live on. And that is why Anandashankar Ray had written:

“As long as the Padma, Meghna, Gouri, Jamuna flows on,

Your accomplishment will also live on, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.”

Translation: Helal Uddin Ahmed

http://skmujiburrahman.blogspot.com/

http://jathirpitha.wordpress.com

FATHER OF THE BENGALI NATION

BANGABANDHU SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN: ABDUL GAFFAR CHOUDHURY

He is not a mere individual. He in an institution. A movement. A revolution. An upsurge. He is the architect of the nation. He is the essence of epic poetry and he is history.

This history goes back a thousand years. Which is why contemporary history has recognized him as the greatest Bengali of the past thousand years. The future will call him the superman of eternal time.

And he will live, in luminosity reminiscent of a bright star, in historical legends. He will show the path to the Bengali nation his dreams are the basis of the existence of the nation. A remembrance of him is the culture and society that Bengalis have sketched for themselves. His possibilities, the promises thrown forth by him, are the fountain-spring of the civilized existence of the Bengalis.

He is a friend to the masses. To the nation he is the Father. In the view of men and women in other places and other climes, he is the founder of sovereign Bangladesh. Journalist Cyril Dunn once said of him, "In the thousand - year history of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujib is the only leader who has, in terms of blood, race, language, culture and birth, been a full - blooded Bengali. His physical stature was immense. His voice was redolent of thunder. His charisma worked magic on people. The courage and charm that flowed from him made him a unique superman in these times."Newsweek magazine has called him the poet of politics.

The leader of the British humanist movement, the late Lord Fenner Brockway once remarked, "In a sense, Sheikh Mujib is a great leader than George Washington, Mahatma Gandhi and De Valera." The greatest journalist of the new Egypt, Hasnein Heikal (former editor of Al Ahram and close associate of the late President Nasser) has said, "Nasser is not simply of Egypt. Arab world. His Arab nationalism is the message of freedom for the Arab people. In similar fashion, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman does not belong to Bangladesh alone. He is the harbinger of freedom for all Bangalis. His Bengali nationalism is the new emergence of Bengali civilization and culture. Mujib is the hero of the Bengalis, inn the past and in the times that are.

Embracing Bangabandhu at the Algiers Non - Aligned Summit in 1973, Cuba’s Fidel Castro noted, "I have not seen the Himalayas. But I have seen Sheikh Mujib. In personality and in courage, this man is the Himalayas. I have thus had the experience of witnessing the Himalayas.

Upon hearing the news of Bangabandhu's assassination, former British Prime Minister Harold Wilson wrote to a Bengali Journalist, "This is surely a supreme national tragedy for you. For me it is a personal tragedy of immense dimensions." Refers to the founder of a nation - state. In Europe, the outcome of democratic national aspirations has been the rise of modern nationalism and the national state. Those who have provided leadership in the task of the creation of nations or nation-states have fondly been called by their peoples as founding fathers and have been placed on the high perches of history. Such is the reason why Kamal Ataturk is the creator of modern Turkey. And thus it is that Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is the founder of the Bengali nation - state and father of the nation of his fellow Bengalis. But in more ways than one, Sheikh Mujib has been a more successful founding father than either Ataturk or Gandhi. Turkey existed even during the period of the Ottoman empire. Once the empire fell, Ataturk took control of Turkey and had it veer away from western exploitation through giving shape to a democratic nation - state. In Gandhi's case, India and Indians did not lose their national status either before or after him. But once the British left the subcontinent, the existence of the Bengali nation appeared to have been blotted out.

The new rulers of the new state of Pakistan called Bangladesh by the term "East Pakistan" in their constitution. By pushing a thousand - year history into the shadows, the Pakistani rulers imposed the nomenclature of "Pakistanis" on the Bengalis, so much so that using the term "Bengali" or "Bangladesh" amounted to sedition in the eyes of the Pakistani state. The first man to rise in defense of the Bengali, his history and his heritage, was Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. On 25 August 1955, he said in the Pakistan Constituent Assembly, "Mr. Speaker, they ( government) want to change the name of East Bengal into East Pakistan. We have always demanded that the name ‘Bangla’ be used. There is a history behind the term Bangla. There is a tradition, a heritage, If this name is at all to be changed, the question should be placed before the people of Bengal: are they ready to have their identity changed?"

Sheikh Mujib’s demand was ignored. Bangladesh began to be called East Pakistan by the rulers. Years later, after his release from the so - called Agartalas case, Sheikh Mujib took the first step toward doing away with the misdeed imposed on his people. On 5 December 1969, he said, "At one time, attempts were made to wipe out all traces of Bengali history and aspirations. Except for the Bay of Bengal, the term Bengal is not seen anywhere. On behalf of the people of Bengal, I am announcing today that henceforth the eastern province of Pakistan will, instead of being called East Pakistan, be known as Bangladesh."

Sheikh Mujib's revolution was not merely directed at the achievement of political freedom. Once the Bengali nation - state was established, it become his goal to carry through programmes geared to the achievement of national economic welfare. The end of exploitation was one underlying principle of his programme, which he called the Second Revolution. While there are many who admit today that Gandhi was the founder of the non - violent non - cooperation movement, they believe it was an effective use of that principle which enabled Sheikh Sheikh Mujib to create history. Mujib's politics was a natural follow - up to the struggle and movements of Bengal's mystics, its religious preachers, Titumir's crusade, the Indigo Revolt, Gandhiji's non - cooperation, and Subhash Chandra Bose's armed attempt for freedom. The secularism of Deshbandhu Chittaranjan Das, the liberal democratic politics of Sher-e-Bangla A. K. Fazlul Haque and Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy Contributed to the molding of the Mujib character. He was committed to public welfare. Emerging free of the limitations of western democracy, he wished to see democracy sustain Bengali nationalism. It was this dream that led to the rise of his ideology. At the United Nations, he was the first man to speak of his dreams, his people's aspiration, in Bangla. The language was, in that swift stroke of politics, recognized by the global community. For the first time after Rabindranath Tagore's Nobel achievement in 1913, Bangla was put on a position of dignity.

The multifaceted life to the great man cannot be put together in language or color. The reason is put on, Mujib is greater than his creation. It is not possible to hold within the confines of the frame the picture of such greatness. He is our emancipation - today and tomorrow. The greatest treasure of the Bengali nation is preservation of his heritage, a defense of his legacy. He has conquered death. His memory is our passage to the days that are to be. ABDUL GAFFAR CHOUDHURY, www.bangabandhu.org

The life of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is the saga of a great leader turning peoplepower into an armed struggle that liberated a nation and created the world’s ninth most populous state. The birth of the sovereign state of Bangladesh in December 1971, after a heroic war of nine months against the Pakistani colonial rule, was the triumph of his faith in the destiny of his people. Sheikh Mujib, endearingly called Bangabandhu or friend of Bangladesh, rose from the people, molded their hopes and aspirations into a dream and staked his life in the long battle for making it real. He was a true democrat, and he employed in his struggle for securing justice and fairplay for the Bengalees only democratic and constitutional weapons until the last moment. It is no accident of history that in an age of military coup d’etat and ‘strong men’, Sheikh Mujib attained power through elections and mass movement and that in an age of decline of democracy he firmly established democracy in one of the least developed countries of Asia.

Sheikh Mujib was born on 17 March 1920 in a middle class family at Tungipara in Gopalganj district. Standing 5 feet 11 inches, he was taller than the average Bengalee. Nothing pleased him more than being close to the masses, knowing their joys and sorrows and being part of their travails and triumphs. He spoke their soft language but in articulating their sentiments his voice was powerful and resonant. He had not been educated abroad, nor did he learn the art of hiding feelings behind sophistry; yet he was loved as much by the urban educated as the common masses of the villages. He inspired the intelligentsia and the working class alike. He did not, however, climb to leadership overnight.

Early Political Life: His political life began as an humble worker while he was still a student. He was fortunate to come in early contact with such towering personalities as Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy and A K Fazlul Huq, both charismatic Chief Ministers of undivided Bengal. Adolescent Mujib grew up under the gathering gloom of stormy politics as the aging British raj in India was falling apart and the Second World War was violently rocking the continents. He witnessed the ravages of the war and the stark realities of the great famine of 1943 in which about five million people lost their lives. The tragic plight of the people under colonial rule turned young Mujib into a rebel.

This was also the time when he saw the legendary revolutionary Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose challenging the British raj. Also about this time he came to know the works of Bernard Shaw, Karl Marx, Rabindranath Tagore and rebel poet Kazi Nazrul Islam. Soon after the partition of India in 1947 it was felt that the creation of Pakistan with its two wings separated by a physical distance of about 1,200 miles was a geographical monstrosity. The economic, political, cultural and linguistic characters of the two wings were also different. Keeping the two wings together under the forced bonds of a single state structure in the name of religious nationalism would merely result in a rigid political control and economic exploitation of the eastern wing by the all-powerful western wing which controlled the country’s capital and its economic and military might.

Early Movement: In 1948 a movement was initiated to make Bengali one of the state languages of Pakistan. This can be termed the first stirrings of the movement for an independent Bangladesh. The demand for cultural freedom gradually led to the demand for national independence. During that language movement Sheikh Mujib was arrested and sent to jail. During the blood-drenched language movement in 1952 he was again arrested and this time he provided inspiring leadership of the movement from inside the jail.

In 1954 Sheikh Mujib was elected a member of the then East Pakistan Assembly. He joined A K Fazlul Huq’s United Front government as the youngest minister. The ruling clique of Pakistan soon dissolved this government and Shiekh Mujib was once again thrown into prison. In 1955 he was elected a member of the Pakistan Constituent Assembly and was again made a minister when the Awami League formed the provincial government in 1956. Soon after General Ayub Khan staged a military coup in Pakistan in 1958, Sheikh Mujib was arrested once again and a number of cases were instituted against him. He was released after 14 months in prison but was re-arrested in February 1962. In fact, he spent the best part of his youth behind the prison bars.

Supreme Test: March 7, 1971 was a day of supreme test in his life. Nearly two million freedom loving people assembled at the Ramna Race Course Maidan, later renamed Suhrawardy Uddyan, on that day to hear their leader’s command for the battle for liberation. The Pakistani military junta was also waiting to trap him and to shoot down the people on the plea of suppressing a revolt against the state. Sheikh Mujib spoke in a thundering voice but in a masterly well-calculated restrained language. His historic declaration in the meeting was: "Our struggle this time is for freedom. Our struggle this time is for independence." To deny the Pakistani military an excuse for a crackdown, he took care to put forward proposals for a solution of the crisis in a constitutional way and kept the door open for negotiations.

The crackdown, however, did come on March 25 when the junta arrested Sheikh Mujib for the last time and whisked him away to West Pakistan for confinement for the entire duration of the liberation war. In the name of suppressing a rebellion the Pakistani military let loose hell on the unarmed civilians throughout Bangladesh and perpetrated a genocide killing no less than three million men, women and children, raping women in hundreds of thousands and destroying property worth billions of taka. Before their ignominious defeat and surrender they, with the help of their local collaborators, killed a large number of intellectuals, university professors, writers, doctors, journalists, engineers and eminent persons of other professions. In pursuing a scorch-earth policy they virtually destroyed the whole of the country’s infrastructure. But they could not destroy the indomitable spirit of the freedom fighters nor could they silence the thundering voice of the leader. Tape recordings of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib’s 7th March speech kept on inspiring his followers throughout the war.

Return and Reconstruction: Forced by international pressure and the imperatives of its own domestic predicament, Pakistan was obliged to release Sheikh Mujib from its jail soon after the liberation of Bangladesh and on 10 January 1972 the great leader returned to his beloved land and his admiring nation.

But as he saw the plight of the country his heart bled and he knew that there would be no moment of rest for him. Almost the entire nation including about ten million people returning from their refuge in India had to be rehabilitated, the shattered economy needed to be put back on the rail, the infrastructure had to be rebuilt, millions had to be saved from starvation and law and order had to be restored. Simultaneously, a new constitution had to be framed, a new parliament had to be elected and democratic institutions had to be put in place. Any ordinary mortal would break down under the pressure of such formidable tasks that needed to be addressed on top priority basis. Although simple at heart, Sheikh Mujib was a man of cool nerves and of great strength of mind. Under his charismatic leadership the country soon began moving on to the road to progress and the people found their long-cherished hopes and aspirations being gradually realized.

Assassination: But at this critical juncture, his life was cut short by a group of anti-liberation reactionary forces who in a pre-dawn move on 15 August 1975 not only assassinated him but 23 of his family members and close associates. Even his 10 year old son Russel’s life was not spared by the assassins. The only survivors were his two daughters, Sheikh Hasina - now the country’s Prime Minister - and her younger sister Sheikh Rehana, who were then away on a visit to Germany. In killing the father of the Nation, the conspirators ended a most glorious chapter in the history of Bangladesh but they could not end the great leader’s finest legacy- the rejuvenated Bengali nation. In a fitting tribute to his revered memory, the present government has declared August 15 as the national mourning day. On this day every year the people would be paying homage to the memory of a man who became a legend in his won lifetime. Bangabandhu lives in the heart of his people. Bangladesh and Bangabandhu are one and inseparable. Bangladesh was Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s vision and he fought and died for it.

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TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 2009

IMMORTAL BANGABANDHU

SPEECHES : DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

"This may be my last message, from today Bangladesh is independent.

I call upon the people of Bangladesh, wherever you might be and whatever you have, to resist the army of occupation to the last. Your fight must go on until the last soldier of the Pakistan occupation army is expelled from the soil of Bangladesh and final victory is achieved."

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman

26 March 1971

The people of Bangladesh have proved to the world at large that they are a heroic nation, they know how to achieve their right and live like human beings.

We have achieve our independence. So long a Bangali lives, he will not allow this independence to be lost. Bangladesh will continue to exist as an independent country in history. There is no power on earth which can keep Bangladesh under subjugation.

Bangabandhu

Those who cannot maintain law and order cannot expect to be a great nation.

Independence is not achieved with the hoisting of the flag only. Ensuring the security of people's lives and property is also an inseparable part on independence.

It is only through agriculture revolution that the country would become self-reliant in food. The farmers must see to it that not an inch of the country's soil remains fallow and that the yield of the land is increased.

Bangabandhu

I have waged the independence movement of Bangladesh along with seven and a half crore people. So I appeal to the people to put an end to the activities of antisocial and disruptive elements.

My dear brothers of armed forces, you belong to the people and people belong to you. You do not form a separate entity. All of you are sons of the soil. This is why you will have to share the happiness and sorrow of the masses and stand beside them in rebuilding the devastated country. Allah is with you.

Our defence-preparedness is not meant to attack anyone. It is for self defense only. We are not willing to interfere into other's internal affairs. Similarly, we shall not tolerate other's interference into our internal affairs.

Bangabandhu

The martyrs who gifted the independence of the country will never die. The souls of the martyrs will be contended only when the people of this independent country, established through the sacrifice of the martyrs, will get enough to eat and live a dignified life.

Depending on borrowed resources no nation can ever expect to become self-reliant and great.

I have made appeals to the world for help. I want help. But not at the cost of independence.

Armed forces alone cannot defend a country. It's people who defend a country.

It is clear today that only democracy will work in future in this country.

Bangabandhu

****শেখ মুজিবের ছাত্রজীবন : আদর্শ ও দেশপ্রেমের প্রতিকৃতি****

****জাতির জনক বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিবুর রহমানের আজীবনের স্বপ্ন ছিল বাংলার স্বাধীনতা ও বাঙালির জাতিসত্তার প্রতিষ্ঠা। শৈশব কৈশোর থেকে তিনি এই আদর্শ নিয়েই বড় হয়ে ওঠেন। নিজেই নিজেকে প্রস্তুত করে তোলেন। তাঁর এই চারিত্রিক দৃঢ়তার পেছনে ছিল গভীর অধ্যয়ন, জানা-চেনা-শোনা ও দেখার গভীর অন্তর্দৃষ্টি। 

****তিনি হৃদয়ের আবেগকে যথেষ্টভাবে ধারণ করতে সমর্থ হন। এর পেছনে ছিল মানুষকে ভালোবাসা ও সাহায্য করার জন্য তাঁর দরদী মন। এই শিক্ষাটা তিনি অর্জন করেন তাঁর পরিবারের মানুষদের দেখে, তাঁর গৃহশিক্ষকের কাছে এবং দারিদ্র অভাবগ্রস্থ গ্রামের মানুষকে দেখে। তাঁর হৃদয়ে যা কিছু ছাপ রেখেছে বা প্রভাব ফেলেছে সেটা তিনি গভীরভাবে বিশ্লেষণ করেছেন। এই ক্ষমতা অল্প বয়স থেকেই তাঁর আয়ত্তে ছিল। তাঁকে চিন্তাচ্ছন্ন করে তুলতো, তাঁকে আবেগতাড়িত করতো। তাঁর জাতির পিতা বা বঙ্গবন্ধু হয়ে ওঠার পেছনে তাঁর গ্রাম টুঙ্গিপাড়ার মানুষের একটা বড় ভূমিকা রয়েছে। 

*****এই ছোট্ট অনুন্নত গ্রাম ও মানুষের মধ্যে তিনি লক্ষাধিক গ্রাম ও কয়েক কোটি মানুষকেও দেখেছেন। আর সেজন্যই বাঙালি জাতির ভাগ্যকে তিনি জয় করতে গিয়ে তিনি নিজের জীবনের প্রতি তাকিয়ে দেখার সুযোগ পান নি। জেল-জুলুম, রাজনৈতিক ষড়যন্ত্র, শাসকগোষ্টীর অত্যাচার– সবকিছু সহ্য করেছেন। কিন্তু বাংলার মানুষের সঙ্গে কখনও বিশ্বাসঘাতকতা করেননি। তাঁর লক্ষ্য ছিল বাংলার মানুষের মুক্তি। বাঙালি উন্নত জীবনের অধিকারী হোক। বিশ্বে মাথা উচু করে দাঁড়াক। বাঙালি জাতিসত্তাকে প্রতিষ্ঠা করুক। একজন মহান নেতা হবার সবকটি গুণই আমরা তার মধ্যে খুঁজে পাই।

******১৯২০ সালের ১৭ মার্চ টুঙ্গিপাড়ায় শেখ মুজিবের জন্ম হয়। মা-বাবার চোখের মণি, ভাই-বোনের আদর ভালোবাসা, আত্মীয়-স্বজন পাড়া-প্রতিবেশি সকলের কাছেই ছিল তার সমাদর। গ্রামের মাটি-আলো-বাতাসের স্পর্শ নিয়ে প্রকৃতির শান্ত শীতল সবুজ ছবিটি দেখে তিনি বড় হয়ে উঠলেন। গিমাডাঙ্গা প্রাইমারি স্কুলে লেখাপড়া করেন। বাড়িতে লেখাপড়ার জন্য শিক্ষক, মৌলভী ও পণ্ডিত ছিলেন। গ্রাম থেকে গোপালগঞ্জ শহরে এসে মিশন স্কুলে ভর্তি হন। পিতা ছিলেন গোপালগঞ্জ দেওয়ানী কোর্টের সেরেস্তাদার। 

স্কুল ছাত্রজীবনেই তাঁর চোখে বেরিবেরি রোগ হওয়ায় কলকাতায় গিয়ে ডা. টি. আহমদের কাছে অস্ত্রপচার করতে হয়। দুই বছর লেখাপড়া বন্ধ ছিল।

****এ সময়টায় তিনি ঘুরে বেড়াতেন, সভায় গিয়ে বক্তৃতা শুনতেন, গৃহশিক্ষকের কাছে অনেক কথা কাহিনী ও খবরাখবর শুনতেন। সুস্থ হওয়ার পর তিনি আবার স্কুলে ভর্তি হন, খেলাধুলায়ও মনোযোগী হন। ফুটবল ছিল প্রিয়। স্কুলের দলের হয়ে খেলতেন। লেখাপড়া করতেন ঠিক মত, কেননা তাঁর মা-বাবার প্রচন্ড উৎসাহ ছিল এবং তীক্ষ্ণ দৃষ্টি ছিল, শাসনও ছিল। তাঁর গৃহশিক্ষক কাজী আবদুল হামিদ ছিলেন একজন ব্রিটিশবিরোধী আন্দোলনের কর্মী যিনি আত্মগোপন করতে তাদের বাসায় আশ্রয় নেন। 

****সেই শিক্ষকই শেখ মুজিবের জীবনকে আলোকিত করার প্রথম প্রদীপটি জ্বালান। তিনি তাঁকে ইতিহাসের শাসকদের গল্প শোনান। বিপ্লব-বিদ্রোহের কাহিনী শোনান। বাংলার ইতিহাস কিশোর মুজিবের কাছে ছিল এক আদর্শময় পাঠ। বাঙালির কৃতিত্ব, শিল্প–সাহিত্য-সংস্কৃতির জ্ঞানও তিনি ধীরে ধীরে গ্রহণ করেন। এই শিক্ষা গ্রহণ করার পাশাপাশি সেই সময়ের বৃটিশ শাসকদের শাসন ও শোষণ, গান্ধিজীর আন্দোলন, হিন্দু-মুসলমান সম্পর্ক, রাজনৈতিক আন্দোলন, সামাজিক সমস্যাবলী, বন্যা-দুর্ভিক্ষ, খাদ্যাভাব – সবই তিনি তাঁর গভীর পর্যবেক্ষণ শক্তি দিয়ে বিশ্লেষণ করেছেন।

*****স্কুল ছাত্র জীবনেই তিনি রাজনৈতিক কর্মকাণ্ডের সঙ্গে জড়িয়ে পড়েন। যারা রাজনীতি করতেন তাদের খুব কাছাকাছি চলে যান। ঐ সময়ে বাংলার প্রধানমন্ত্রী এ. কে. ফজলুল হক ও মন্ত্রী হোসেন শহীদ সোহরাওয়ার্দী গোপালগঞ্জে রাজনৈতিক সফরে এলে তিনি তাঁদের সামনে গিয়ে স্কুলের ছাদ দিয়ে পানি পড়ার অভিযোগ তুলে ধরেন এবং মেরামতের দাবি জানান। 

*****তাঁর কথা বলার ভঙ্গি দেখে দুই নেতাই মুগ্ধ হন। সোহরাওয়ার্দী তাঁকে কাছে ডেকে কথা বলেন এবং এলাকার রাজনৈতিক খবরাখবর নেন। তিনি ঠিকানা দিয়ে চিঠি লিখতেও বলেন। শেখ মুজিবের সঙ্গে সেই প্রথম সম্পর্ক গড়ে ওঠে যা আজীবন ছিল। সোহরাওয়ার্দীর রাজনৈতিক আদর্শ শিষ্য হিসেবে শেখ মুজিব গড়ে উঠতে থাকেন। সেই সফরে সম্বর্ধনা জানাতে একটি কমিটি গঠিত হয়। 

****পরবর্তীতে সেই কমিটির একটি গোলমালের ঘটনায় শেখ মুজিবসহ চার পাঁচজনকে আসামী করে বিরোধীরা থানায় একটি মামলা করে। গোপালগঞ্জ থানা হাজতে সাতদিন বন্দি থেকে জামিনে মুক্তিলাভ করেন। পরবর্তীতে ১৫০০ টাকা ক্ষতিপূরণ দিলে মামলা প্রত্যাহার করে নেয়া হয়। সেই তাঁর প্রথম কারাজীবন এবং এটাও তাঁর জীবনে গভীরভাবে প্রভাব ফেলে।

*****১৯৪২ সালে এন্ট্রান্স পাশ করে শেখ মুজিব কলকাতায় ইসলামিয়া কলেজে ভর্তি হন। বৃটিশ শাসিত দুই বাংলা একত্রে বাংলা বা বেঙ্গল হিসেবে পরিচিত ছিল। বাংলার মেধাবী, মননশীল ছাত্ররা ইসলামিয়া কলেজে লেখাপড়া করতো এবং বেকার হোস্টেলে থাকতো।

**** ১৯২৬ সালে ইসলামিয়া কলেজ প্রতিষ্ঠিত হয়। ১৯৪৭ সালে এর নামকরণ হয় সেন্ট্রাল কলকাতা কলেজ। ১৯৬০ সালে উপমহাদেশের প্রখ্যাত রাজনীতিবিদ মাওলানা আবুল কালাম আজাদের নামে রাখা হয়। বর্তমানে মাওলানা আজাদ কলেজ নামে পরিচিত। শেখ মুজিব এখান থেকে ১৯৪৪ সালে আই.এ. এবং ১৯৪৭ সালে বি.এ. পাশ করেন।

*****কলেজের পাশের রাস্তায় তালতলা থানার কাছেই বেকার হোস্টেল। তিনতলা বিরাট ভবন। শেখ মুজিব তিনতলার বাঁদিকের সামনের সারির কোনায় ২৪নং কক্ষে থাকতেন। ছোট্ট কক্ষ, কোন ফ্যান ছিল না তখন। একটি ছোট্ট খাট। পাশেই কাঠের তৈরি পড়ার টেবিল ও চেয়ার। একটি ছোট্ট আলমারীও আছে। 

----বর্তমানে এটি বঙ্গবন্ধু স্মৃতি কক্ষ নামে পরিচিত। তাঁর ছবি ও তাঁর সম্পর্কিত লেখা বইয়ের একটি আলমারিও আছে। পাশের ২৫ নম্বর কক্ষটিও এর সঙ্গে যুক্ত করা হয়েছে। বঙ্গবন্ধুর একটি ভাস্কর্য রাখা হয়েছে। দরোজার পাশে দেয়ালে বঙ্গবন্ধুর একটি সংক্ষিপ্ত জীবনীও রাখা হয়েছে।

******পাশাপাশি এই দুটি কক্ষে বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিব ও তাঁর সঙ্গীসাথীরাও থাকতেন। সারাদেশ থেকে তাঁর ছাত্র রাজনীতির কর্মী, ভক্ত ও অনুরাগীরা এসে দেখা করতো এখানেই। অনেক সভা করেছেন হোস্টেলে। হোস্টেল সুপার ছিলেন অধ্যাপক সাঈদুর রহমান। ছাত্র-কর্মীদের থাকার জন্য শেখ মুজিব খালি রুম বা বড় হলঘর চাইলেই তিনি কখনও না করতেন না। শেখ মুজিবের প্রতি তাঁর একটা আলাদা স্নেহ-ভালোবাসা ছিল। ইসলামিয়া কলেজের প্রিন্সিপ্যাল ছিলেন ড. এইচ. আর. জুবিরী। শেখ মুজিবের প্রতি তাঁর ছিল অপার স্নেহ। বিশেষ করে বি.এ. পরীক্ষায় বসার জন্য তিনি তাঁকে সবরকম সহযোগিতা করেছিলেন। কেননা দাঙ্গা-হাঙ্গামা, পুনর্বাসন ইত্যাদি কর্মকান্ডে শেখ মুজিব তখন ব্যস্ত থাকতেন। মুসলিম লীগের রাজনীতির সঙ্গেও ওতপ্রোতভাবে জড়িত ছিলেন।

***** একদিকে ছাত্রনেতা হিসেবে বলিষ্ঠ সংগঠক ছিলেন, অপরদিকে মুসলিম লীগের ড্রইংরুম রাজনীতিকে সাধারণের মাঝে নিয়ে আসার কাজে তিনি সোহরাওয়ার্দী ও আবুল হাশেমের যোগ্য শিষ্য ছিলেন। বেকার হোস্টেলের ছাত্র সংসদের নেতৃত্বও তিনি নিয়ন্ত্রণ করতেন এবং একবার সাধারণ সম্পাদক হয়েছিলেন। শিক্ষক ও ছাত্র সকলের প্রিয় ছিলেন শেখ মুজিব। তাঁর আদর্শ, সাহস ও চিন্তা-ভাবনার প্রতি সকলের শ্রদ্ধা ছিল।

////স্কুল ছাত্রজীবন থেকেই শেখ মুজিব দেশের রাজনীতিতে অংশগ্রহণ করেন। ১৯৩৮ সালে মুসলিম লীগের ফরিদপুর জেলা প্রতিনিধি হিসেবে সিরাজগঞ্জে প্রাদেশিক মুসলিম লীগের সম্মেলনে যোগদান করে যথেষ্ট অভিজ্ঞতা অর্জন করেন। এ সম্মেলনে মোহাম্মদ আলী জিন্নাহসহ ভারতের বড় বড় নেতৃবৃন্দ যোগদান করেন। এছাড়াও দিল্লীতে ভারতীয় মুসলিম লীগের সাধারণ সম্মেলনে তিনি দুইবার যোগদান করেন। সেখানেও নেতাদের ভাষণ শুনে তিনি অনুপ্রাণিত হন। কলকাতায় ছাত্রাবস্থায় তিনি দাঙ্গা দেখেছেন ও রুখেছেন। 

***১৯৪৬ সালের সাধারণ নির্বাচনেও তাঁর ভূমিকা ছিল। ছাত্রজীবন থেকেই দেশপ্রেম ও দেশের জন্য কাজ করা তাঁর স্বভাবের অংশ হয়ে ওঠে। ছাত্রজীবনে তাঁর কর্মকাণ্ড, বিচক্ষণতা ও ভাষণ শুনে সবাই আকৃষ্ট হতো।

******১৯৪৭ সালের ডিসেম্বরে শেখ মুজিব ঢাকায় এসে ১৪০নং মোগলটুলীর ‘কর্মী-ক্যাম্পে’ ওঠেন। তিনি ঢাকা বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের আইন বিভাগে ভর্তি হন এবং সলিমুল্লাহ হলে মাঝে মাঝে থাকতেন। ঢাকায় এসে ছাত্র রাজনীতির সঙ্গে জড়িয়ে পড়েন এবং মুসলিম ছাত্রলীগের স্বেচ্ছাচারিতা ও বাংলা বিরোধী ভূমিকার জন্য তাদের সঙ্গে সম্পর্ক ছেদ করেন। তিনি পূর্ব বাংলা মুসলিম ছাত্রলীগ গঠন করেন। যুবলীগেরও একজন প্রতিষ্ঠাতা সদস্য ছিলেন। খাজা নাজিমুদ্দিনের বাংলাভাষাবিরোধী ভূমিকা এবং উর্দুকে একমাত্র রাষ্ট্রভাষা করার হুমকির বিরুদ্ধে ঢাকা বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের ছাত্র সমাজ যখন গর্জে ওঠে, তিনিও তাদের সঙ্গে নেতৃত্ব দেন। 

******১৯৪৮ সালে প্রথম প্রতিবাদ ও হরতাল পালিত হলে শেখ মুজিবও সবার সঙ্গে গ্রেফতার হন। পরে পূর্ব বাংলার মূখ্যমন্ত্রী খাজা নাজিমুদ্দিন ছাত্রদের দাবি মেনে নিয়ে সবাইকে মুক্তি দেন। এরপর শেখ মুজিব কৃষকদের দাবি নিয়ে আন্দোলন করেন। তারপর ঢাকা বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের চতুর্থ শ্রেণীর দাবি দাওয়া নিয়ে আন্দোলন করেন। এসময় উপাচার্যের বাড়ি ঘেরাও কালে তাঁকেও পুলিশ গ্রেফতার করে এবং অনেকগুলো মামলা দায়ের করে।

***** কারাগারে থাকার সময় তিনি আওয়ামী মুসলিম লীগের যুগ্ম-সম্পাদক নির্বাচিত হন। জেল থেকে বের হয়ে এক ছাত্রসভায় বক্তৃতা দিয়ে তিনি ছাত্র রাজনীতি থেকে বিদায় নেন এবং জাতীয় রাজনীতিতে যোগদান করেন। ঢাকা বিশ্ববিদ্যালয় থেকে তাঁকে বহিস্কার করা হয়েছিল। জেলে থাকাকালে সরকার তাঁকে জরিমানা ও মুচলেকার প্রস্তাব দেয় এবং জানায় তিনি যদি রাজনীতি না করেন, তাহলে ছাত্রত্ব ফিরিয়ে দেয়া হবে। তিনি সরকারি প্রস্তাব প্রত্যাখান করেছিলেন। 

****কারাগার থেকে মুক্ত হয়ে শেখ মুজিব টুঙ্গিপাড়ায় গ্রামের বাড়িতে কিছুদিন অবস্থান করেন। তাঁর পিতা শেখ লুৎফর রহমান তাঁকে লন্ডনে গিয়ে ব্যারিস্টারি পড়তে বলেন। কিন্তু শেখ মুজিব ততদিনে পাকিস্তানের শাসকদের ষড়যন্ত্র ও চক্রান্তকে অনুধাবন করে ফেলেন। তিনি তাঁর প্রিয় বাংলার জনগণকে পাকিস্তানের শোষণের মধ্যে ফেলে রেখে লন্ডনে গিয়ে আর পড়তে চাইলেন না। তিনি রাজনীতি করার সদিচ্ছা প্রকাশ করে বাংলার মানুষের আদায়ের দাবিতে আবার ঢাকা চলে এলেন। তাঁর প্রাতিষ্ঠানিক শিক্ষা জীবনের ইতি ঘটে। 

******কিন্তু ঘরে বসে বই পড়ার অভ্যাস থাকায় তিনি একটি লাইব্রেরি গড়ে তোলেন। স্বচ্ছ মনের মানুষ ছিলেন, রাজনৈতিক চিন্তার দিক থেকে দূরদৃষ্টিসম্পন্ন ছিলেন, সাহসী, সৎ ও দৃঢ় চারিত্রিক আদর্শের অধিকারী ছিলেন।

*** পাকিস্তানি শাসকগোষ্ঠীর আতঙ্ক ছিলেন একমাত্র শেখ মুজিব। মন্ত্রীত্বের লোভ, লাইসেন্সের টোপ এবং ব্যবসা-বানিজ্যের নানা সুযোগ সুবিধা দিয়ে তখন অনেক নেতাকে ক্রয় করা যেত। 

****কিন্তু শেখ মুজিব তাঁর লক্ষ্যে দৃঢ় ছিলেন। জেল-জুলুম মামলা–ফাঁসির ভয় তাঁর মাথা নত করতে দেয়নি। বাংলার মানুষের মুক্তির দাবিতে, অধিকার আদায়ে, শোষণের বিরুদ্ধে তিনিই ছিলেন সোচ্চার প্রতিবাদী। তাঁর বজ্রকন্ঠ পাকিস্তানের ভিত কাঁপিয়ে দিয়েছিল।

****দেশ ও মানুষকে তিনি তাঁর হৃদয়ের আধেয় করে একজন আত্মত্যাগী দেশপ্রেমিক নেতা হিসেবে নিজেকে প্রতিষ্ঠা করতে সমর্থ হন। ছাত্রজীবন থেকে যে শিক্ষা ও দীক্ষা তাঁর জীবনকে আলোকিত করে তোলে, তার শিখা চিরন্তন করে রেখে গেছেন তিনি।

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